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Bandit Era in South Texas

Bandit Era in South Texas

 

 

Bandit Era in South Texas

The Bandit Era in South Texas

Norman Rozeff
May 2014

The decade period from 1910 through 1919 is frequently termed “The Bandit Era” by some and is also termed the “Time of the Bandit Trouble”, “Era of the Bandit Wars”. Still others have called it “The Era of Shame”.  Southern Methodist University historian, Benjamin Heber Johnson, goes even further by terming it a forgotten revolution. The reader will learn why all these names are relevant.

The era by whatever name we call it is intimately tied in with the major event that occurred south of the Rio Grande in Mexico in the decade 1910-1919. This was the Mexico Revolution as distinct from the Mexican War for Independence from Spain (1810-1821). Following a revolution in 1876 Porfirio Diaz had brought some prosperity and order to Mexico. However the wealth of the country was in the hands of less than 4% of the people. Naturally the majority was dissatisfied with the status quo. On the Texas side dissatisfaction also existed among the common men of Mexican ancestry.

Events that were to transpire in the Valley during the 1910-1919 decade did not rise full-blown out of the blue. They had antecedents that had simmered over many decades in the past. Perhaps the first confrontation with the new realities of the situation came to the Nueces Strip occupants was when they, largely Hispanic, found themselves definitely in the Texas and the United States after Mexico had finally conceded the territory to the Americans after its loss of the Mexican-American War in 1847. Incursions by Anglo settlers soon followed as did conflicts over old land grants and land ownership. Naturally resentment and resistance were to arise. The imposition of the poll tax in 1902 also contributed to the disenfranchisement and helplessness of minorities.

They were first exemplified by the actions of Juan Cortina and his War. Historians have made their choices whether he was a hero (starting in 1859) trying to rectify the intolerance and inequality dealt to Hispanics north of the Rio Grande, or a bandit acting without merit to any of his actions, or of a complicated individual whose character lies between the two poles. Certainly, at the time Hispanics needed a leader to defend their dignity and rights.

Following the Civil War, Texas under Reconstruction, and the heavy-handedness of Unionist Governor Edmund J. Davis, lawlessness had increase throughout the state. The Rio Grande Valley was especially susceptible to cattle thievery by Mexican Bandits. After the Democrats eventually regained control upon the election of Governor Richard Coke in 1873, he quickly commenced efforts to eliminate the banditry. He created two branches of the Texas Rangers, a Frontier Battalion to fight the still-warlike Indians in West Texas, and a designated Special Force commanded by Leander H. McNeeley, a former Confederate officer. This latter force was financed by cattle ranchers. McNelly's special group had the specific task of bringing order to the Nueces Strip a hotbed of cattle thievery and banditry, where Juan Cortina, the Mexican military chief for the Rio Grande frontier, was conducting periodic guerrilla operations against the local ranchers.

The Wikipedia article on McNelly tells us “ In April 1875, Coke ordered McNelly to organize a special force and go to Nueces County . In two days, McNelly recruited 41 men. He rejected most native Texans who had applied so that they would not have to face the possibility of shooting at their own relatives or friends. The group became very loyal to him, and called themselves the "Little McNellys".
McNelly's methods had been questioned throughout the years, and although he recovered many cattle stolen from the Texan Ranches while aggressively dealing with lawlessness on the Mexican border, he had also gained a reputation of taking part in many illegal executions, and confessions forced from prisoners by extreme means. McNelly also made himself famous for disobeying direct orders from his superiors on several occasions, and breaking through the Mexican frontier for self-appointed law enforcement purposes. His actions proved to be effective, however, and he was responsible for putting an end to the troubles with Mexican bandits and cattle rustlers along the Rio Grande that were commonplace during the 1850-75 period.

It was in 1875 that McNelly was faced with how to eliminate several Mexican Bandit gangs. The first of these gang leaders was Juan Nepomuceno Cortina, who had been a General in the Mexican army during the Mexican-American War. For years Cortina had raided settlements in the Brownsville, Texas area, always retreating across the Rio Grande to avoid Texas law enforcement. Cortina was from a wealthy family that owned more than 260,000 acres (1,100 km2) of land in that area, which had once included the location of the town of Brownsville. Cortina commanded a force in excess of 2,000 armed Mexican outlaws and gunman.
Further north up river, McNelly was faced with a gang led by Juan Flores Salinas. This gang did not have the manpower of the Cortina's gang but was nonetheless as ruthless. This gang was headquartered at Camargo, Mexico, directly across the border from the US Cavalry outpost of Ringgold Barracks, near Rio Grande City.
From among American outlaws, McNelly's greatest rival was Texas gunman King Fisher and his band of outlaws. Although notable as rustlers, Fisher's band rarely raided US civilian populations, concentrating more on rustling cattle from their Mexican counterparts across the border. This added to tensions among the Mexican population, and gave an excuse for Mexican bandits to raid in the United States.
McNelly now moved south to end the bandit gangs that had run unchecked over that area for several years. Within one year's time, McNelly had completely destroyed both the bandit bands led by Cortina and by Salinas, by repeated actions where McNelly disobeyed orders and took his force across the border into Mexico. King Fisher's gang dispersed; Fisher went into retirement as a rancher, following a Ranger raid on his ranch during which McNelly arrested him. The two came to an agreement that Fisher's his over-the-border raids would cease. Fisher later became Sheriff of Uvalde County.”
The article goes on to relate: “ The first major gunfight between the Rangers and Mexican bandits occurred in June 1875. McNelly's Rangers surprised a group of sixteen Mexican cattle thieves and one American man, driving about 300 head of cattle toward the Rio Grande, and also toward Juan Cortina, and a steamer headed for Cuba. They were Cortina's hand-picked men, who had boasted they could cope with any Rangers or vigilantes. Captain McNelly issued his orders. "Don't shoot to the left or the right. Shoot straight ahead. And don't shoot till you've got your target good in your sights. Don't walk up on a wounded man. Pay no attention to a white flag. That's a mean trick bandits use on green-hands. Don't touch a dead man, except to identify him."
Spying the Rangers, the Mexicans took flight, driving the herd before them at a frenzied pace, until they reached a little island in the middle of a salt marsh. The Mexicans then turned and waited for the Rangers, who were right on their heels, to cross the shallow, muddy lagoon. But McNelly anticipated the ambush and stopped to issue his pep talk, "Boys, across this resaca are some outlaws that claim they're bigger than the law — bigger than Washington law, bigger than Texas law. This won't be a standoff or a dogfall. We'll either win completely, or we'll lose completely."
The battle, which has since been called the "Red Raid," or the "Second Battle of the Palo Alto," was waged nearly all day in a succession of single hand-fights, which left dead Mexicans and horses covering a swath through the prairie about two miles wide and six miles long. All the Mexican drovers were killed, as well as a gringo, Jack Ellis, who had beaten and mistreated a shopkeeper's wife at Nuecestown. Two hundred and sixty-five head of stolen stock were rounded up and eventually returned to their rightful owners in the neighborhood of the King Ranch country. Nine of the fourteen saddles recovered turned out to be Dick Heyes' saddles stolen in the raid on Nuecestown three months earlier.
One Ranger, seventeen-year-old L. Berry Smith, who wanted to be in on the action, also died in the fighting. He was the son of camp cook, D. R. Smith and the youngest Ranger ever to die in the line of duty. Smith was apparently too inexperienced to fully appreciate McNelly's terse orders because he got too close to a wounded Mexican bandit; the bandit killed the boy before Smith even knew what was happening. Berry Smith was buried in the northwest corner of the Brownsville cemetery on June 16 with full military honors. The funeral was recorded as one of the finest the city had ever seen.”
Lastly it tells of McNelly's illicit operation into Mexico. “  Leander McNelly's most infamous exploit was his invasion of Las Cuevas, Mexico in order to get back stolen cattle. McNelly and his Rangers entered Mexico on the 20th of November 1875. Under cover of brush and scrub oak, they made their way on foot to General Juan Salinas' stronghold at the Rincon de Cucharas outpost of the Las Cuevas ranch, which in English means "The Spoon Corner." Later that afternoon, Major A. J. Alexander from Ringgold Barracks arrived with a missive from Colonel Potter at Fort Brown, on the Rio Grande at Brownsville, urging McNelly to retreat. During the gunfight, McNelly was shot through both hands.
After a needed night's sleep, Captain McNelly moved his men directly opposite Camargo on the Texas side of the Rio Grande. Thus, in another invasion of Mexico, twelve or thirteen Rangers, not including McNelly - though accounts differ - crossed the river in a rowboat. McNelly marched up the riverbank to the customs house and demanded the cattle. When the Mexican Captain stalled by politely saying they didn't do business on Sunday, he promptly took the Mexican Captain prisoner, hauling him to the Texas side of the border. He told the Mexican leader to get the cattle started back to the U.S. side within the hour or he would die. The operation was successful, and instead of 250 head returning to Texas, more than 400 were crossed back.”
In the decades to follow what lay at the heart of the matter was land grant litigation, corrupt Brownsville attorneys and judges, political marginalization, dishonest politics, racism, and the high-handedness of a new breed of Texas Rangers. In the end American expansion and hegemony was not to be denied in this volatile region. However, sporadic violence persisted even as the population of Brownsville rose from 6,300 to 10,500 from 1900 to 1910. Local authorities called in the Texas Ranger or “Los Rinches” as many of the Mexican population labeled them. Already resentment had existed as Mexican Americans were not allowed to serve on juries.

A Texas Ranger coming from Uvalde to the LRGV around 1901 would become especially controversial. This was A. Y. Baker. It was in April 1902 in company with Harry J. Wallis and W. Emmett Roebuck that Baker was searching for rustlers in the El Sauz, section of the King Ranch. They encountered Ramon De la Cerda branding (supposedly) King Ranch cattle with his own brand. The fact was that the De la Cerda ranch, Rancho San Francisco de de Assis, was surrounded by the El Sauz Ranch. Ramon opened fire on the lawman but only managed to hit his horse. Baker returned the fire and killed De la Cerda with a bullet over his right eye. Matters escalated from there. Months later Ramon's brother Alfredo ambushed Baker and two others on the Santa Rosalia road east of Brownsville. Baker was wounded in the hip but pulled through. Alfredo and five others were arrested, They were charged with assault and murder, but Alfredo was soon freed on bond. Alfredo fled to Mexico but returned October 3, 1902. He was later released when the only individual who would testify against him, Heroulano Berbier was shot and killed. None of the five were convicted. This was not the end of the story, for Ramon's friends had disinterred his body only to discover that Ramon had been dragged and abused before he died. Alfredo then vowed revenge on Baker. On one night in September 1902, Baker and Roebuck were riding when shots rang out. Roebuck was killed and Baker took a bullet to his back. Baker took the offensive on October 3, 1902. He found Alfredo De la Cerda in the Fernandez store on Elizabeth Street and shot him in the back. An angry mob took after Baker, but he and other rangers took refuge in Fort Brown. Later the King family posted the bond for Baker to be released from jail.  With the help of attorney and South Texas political boss, James Wells, Baker would be acquitted and later move on to become long-time sheriff of Hidalgo County.

Some months after the Brownsville Raid of 1906, Fort Brown had been turned over to the Department of the Interior which conducted research on the development of spineless cactus there.

A full-blown revolution had commenced in Mexico on 11/20/10, and it was led by Francisco I. Madero.  It was one month later that the international swing bridge for railroad and passenger traffic opened between Brownsville and Matamoros. This same month, the 80 year old President, Porfirio Diaz, began his eighth six year term of office.  He would never complete it but resigned and exiled himself to Spain.
Madero had moved to vote Diaz out of office due to his one-sided control of government and the lack of reform under his administration. An open revolt commenced in November 1910. Its leaders were publisher Ricardo Mignon, Francisco Madero, and General Pascual Orozco.

South of the border the long-running turmoil continued.  Huerta, who succeeded Diaz, would not resign.  Caranza, Francisco "Pancho" Villa, and Zapatista forces that opposed him increasingly gained territorial control across the country.  A very brief chronology and overview of what had and was to transpire in this decade fails to convey their import for the people of Mexico and their northern neighbors but does clarify who the major players were:
11/20/10 After President Diaz manipulates municipal elections, Francisco I. Madero issues Plan of San Luis Potosi calling for a general uprising against President Porfirio Diaz, who had served since 1876 in a one-sided control of government and who relished few reforms. Madero at first wanted to vote Diaz out of office. Publisher Ricardo Flores Mignon is a leading voice for Diaz's removal.
5/25/11 Diaz resigns and exiles himself to Spain in December.  Interim President Francisco de la Barra orders General Victoriano Huerta to demobilize Emilio Zapata’s forces.
March 1912 Pasual Orozco opposes Madero government.  Huerta recalled, and federal army pushes Orozco rebels north. After a coup attempt Madero is arrested.  Huerta becomes provisional president.
2/22/13 Madero assassinated after moving to empower himself. His military commander Victoriano Huerta had organized a coup and was responsible for this action.
3/16/13 Venustiano Carranza, elected governor of Coahiula State in December 1911, withdraws recognition of Huerta’s government. As first chief of the Constitutionalists, Carranza leads rebellion against Huerta.  After 17 months in office during which time 35 political opponents are killed, Huerta is challenged by Alvaro Obregon, a Sonora chickpea farmer and a natural military leader, and Pancho Villa.
3/26/13 Carranza issues Plan of Guadeloupe charging Huerta with treason.  U.S. President Wilson declares “Mexico has no government.”
7/15/14 Huerta resigns and exiles himself to Spain.
October 1914 Villa and Carranza fight for control of Mexico.
June 1915 Huerta, with the support of Germany, attempts a return to Mexico by going to the border in the U.S. He aligns himself with Orozco in planning a revolutionary movement. The U.S. intervenes and stops them.  Both die within the year and are buried in El Paso.
1917 Carranza is elected president.
1919 Zapata fatally ambushed. It was Carranza “who had mastermined Zapata’s fall.”
1920 Carranza tries to install a candidate favorable to him in this year’s election.  Obregon rebels. Carranza flees and is killed on 5/2/20 at rebellion of Agua Prieta.  Obregon, elected in August 1920, serves four years as president.  This same month Villa surrenders unconditionally and returns to private life.
7/20/23 Francisco Pancho Villa assassinated at Parral, Chihuahua by followers of Alvaro Obregon.

In currently contending with non-conformist combatants in Afghanistan and as it did Iraq, the U.S. Military is in confrontations paralleling those the military faced in the Rio Grande Valley in the second decade of the 20th century. In that period those contending went by numerous names and acted for various ideologies.  Some were poorly regulated militia involved in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920).  Others were seditionists (Sediciosos) fomenting a rebellion with the goal of creating a new republic north of the U.S.–Mexico border. Still others were local residents, primarily ranchers, trying to protect themselves and their properties from loosely-controlled Texas Rangers, unscrupulous Valley lawmen, and others involved in vigilantism. Still more were simply thieves, robbers, and brigands. 

Along the border general lawlessness prevailed at the start of the second decade of the 20th century. Gun-running was especially profitable. Adverse events north of the border were relatively intermittent from 1910 until 1914, they then escalated in number and frequency. One serious incident involved San Benito pioneer and Valley engineer Sam Robertson. Each week he would embark by car to deliver the payroll to workers building the San Benito Irrigation District canals. The locations were mostly remote and little frequented. Gunplay and wild west antics were still part of every day Valley life.   In the same July 1910 month as a Harlingen Star printer was shot, a very serious event took place south of San Benito.  Sam Robertson learned of a planned attempt on his life.  He notified Rangers Carnes and Craighead in Harlingen. They laid plans to capture the bushwhackers. Ten individuals set out from San Benito on a Saturday night. They later split up into smaller parties. One group staked out a hiding place and was soon to encounter unknown contentious individuals. In the ensuing gun battle Texas Ranger  S. B. Carnes, deputy sheriff Henry Lawrence, and sometime Robertson employee, Pablo Treviño, were killed but not J. Zoll, a San Benito Canal Co. employee accompanying them. In continuing pursuit Earl West, who had also been deputized as a special ranger for this operation, was wounded but escaped death. In the dark and with the confusion of split parties, Craighead was later wounded by friendly fire in a case of misidentification and was lucky to survive. All had been attempting to intercept Treviño’s cousin Jacinto, who, along with others, allegedly was on his way from across the river to conduct the assassination.  Robertson had seemingly extracted a statement from Jacinto’s eyewitness cousin, Hillario, that Jacinto was the murderer of a San Benito Canal company employee.  While, at the scene of the confrontation come daylight, pursuers discovered blood from other than the victims; the stalkers, likely three in number, had escaped.  Robertson at the time was out of town on business as his substantial San Benito house was about to be built.

The rest of the story was related years later by retired Ranger Gus Jones.  Jones tells the story of Bill Whitley, a cousin and best friend of Lawrence.  They had punched cattle together and were inseparable. Whitley came to Harlingen in hopes of filling a Ranger vacancy should one arise.  According to Jones:
Bill came to the place of the ambush with a posse from Harlingen and when he gazed into the dead face of Henry Lawrence he exclaimed, "I'll spend the rest of my life finding out who was responsible for this and when I do I'll shoot him down like a dog."
Weeks went by and a web began to tighten around one Pedro Balle, whose father owned a small ranch on the Arroyo Colorado near Harlingen. Balle was known as a bad man and on more than one occasion had been disarmed by Rangers while riding the street of Harlingen with a Winchester in his saddle and a six-shooter in his saddle pocket.  Each time he resented it deeply and was known to have remarked that some day he would "kill himself a Ranger."  Balle knew the treats that had been made by Whitley and he also knew that he was suspected of having participated in the ambush. 
Old man's Weller's salon was diagonally across from the depot at Harlingen and was off the beaten path.  It was a hang out for all the boys due to their friendship for old man Weller and Osco Morris, his bartender.  Bill Whitley was a great friend of Morris and on the day Pancho Balle died was in the saloon talking to Osco. In his short sleeves and apparently unarmed, Bill was slouched over the bar with his back toward the front door.  He was facing the mirror back of the bar and had a clear view of the road passing in front of the saloon.
A man on horseback cantered past the front door and Osco remarked, "There goes your friend Pancho Balle."  "Yes, I see him," replied Whitley without turning.  Never taking his eyes from the mirror, Whitley quickly unbuttoned the front of his shirt.  Balle had seen Whitley alone in his shirt sleeves as he rode by the door.  As soon as he had cleared the front of the building Balle dismounted, and, as he stealthily approached the door, he raised a six-shooter that rested in the waist band of his trousers under his vest.  As he darkened the door with his pistol half drawn, Whitley whirled around and placed two bullets in the vicinity of his heart exclaiming, "That's for Henry, you murdering S.B."
Realizing that his number was up Balle had decided to leave the country, but he could not withstand this perfect setup, and on the spur of the moment decided to wipe out one more enemy before making his ride to the river, from across which he could figuratively thumb his nose at Officers on the American side.
Whitley was not prosecuted.  A majority of the good citizens knew that it was a clear case of self-defense.  They also had a strong feeling that Balle had been a rider of one of the shod horse at the scene of the river road ambush and that he got just what was coming to him.
The preceding narratives are those recounted by those "in authority" and the first as reported not so accurately in the Brownsville Herald. In time, Treviño family versions and word-of-mouth of the affair would essentially turn the story on its head. A popular corrido on the subject added to the creation of a folk hero legend.
Briefly the alternative account has Jacinto, son of retired Mexican army Captain Natividad Treviño, seeking revengeful justice for the pistol-whipping leading to the death of his brother Natividad.  The beating, by San Benito Canal construction foreman Jimmy Darwin, had occurred at Los Indios on May 28, 1910. What precipitated this dastardly act was supposedly Natividad's refusal to work on a particular day after putting in long hours as the carpentry shop foreman.  The day after Natividad's death, Jacinto, with a borrowed pistol, was to kill Darwin.
Two months later Jacinto was then said to have entered into an ambush set by his cousin  Pablo, who may have been seeking the $500 reward for Jacinto's capture.  It was here that the lawmen along with Pablo were killed.  The exaggerated number of reported rinches (rangers) present grew to 50-60 in some family accounts. Jacinto had previously found sanctuary at his father's Santa Rosa Ranch in Mexico and escaped again to this site.  Even in Mexico he was leery of retribution by the powerful Rangers and possible some of their Federal Mexican allies.  For seven years he was cautious in his movements. For the rest of his 66 years he remained in Mexico, fathering six children from his first wife and, after her death, four with his second wife.
In a footnote to the foregoing it can be added that the Los Indios relatives of Pablo did not claim his body for burial. He is buried in the nearby Las Rusias Cemetery. His grave bears an expensive Rock of Ages granite monument.  Written in Spanish the inscription on it translates "Pablo Treviño died for a friend."  Obviously that friend was Sam Robertson.
With the Hispanic community seeking heroes and some brightness in a dark period the actions and personal traits of Jacinto became legend and, as occurs with all legends, well embellished. Courageous hero standing up to the oppression of justice, hot-headed persona, or someone in between?  The reader is left with the choice of what Jacinto Treviño represented.

This would not be the lone incident involving Robertson. On On September 9, 1915 a disgruntled individual(s) took the opportunity to waylay Sam Robertson as he drove on Alice Road about eleven miles north of Brownsville at 3 AM in the morning. Three or four shots were fired.  One knocked off his hat and still another penetrated the middle of the front passenger seat.  Once again good luck rode with Robertson, as it did a month and half later when he was twice attacked, this time near the San Pedro Ranch 8 miles from Brownsville. It was well known that he carried sizable amounts of cash on paydays to pay his employees.

Robertson's friend in the neighboring town was Harlingen's founder, canal builder, and land speculator
Lon C. Hill. He was disliked by many because of his high-handedness in acquiring land in the area. His personality was too abrasive for some. On 5/10/12 the Brownsville Herald ran an article originating with the Kansas City Star. It embodied the priceless publicity Hill could garner by his appearance and personality.  He told the press of Harlingen’s 2,500 inhabitants and of having sold land the last two months for $2 million while still retaining 90,000 acres in the Rio Grande Valley worth $4 million.  He related how he "gave up" a $30,000 per year law practice to become a pioneer.  An anecdote ran that  “He once purchased 4,500 acres at $1/acre, and the wife of the man from whom he purchased it complained to her husband the price was too cheap. ‘I could afford to give it to him’ the seller said, ‘once Lon Hill gets into the country, the thieves will leave our cattle alone’.”  Another relates about Hill’s friends asking him what he would do if he were attacked by a woman. “I would prove the gallantry of a gentleman”, he said, “I would extend to her the courtesy of the first shot.”

The interview continued with a reality close to home.  It recounted that “The other day at his home an enemy fired on him from a house as he was passing in a motor car.  The bullet splintered the steering wheel in the hands of a chauffeur.  Hill reached into the leather pockets of the car and drew a rifle and a revolver.  He emptied them into the side of the house as the chauffeur turned the car into full speed.  Upon reaching home the chauffeur asked for his pay.  He said he guessed he would go back to New York.”

That Hill had enemies was openly known.  J. T. Canales recollects that "not only was (Hill) a settler, but he purchased and developed large tracts of land and had a time dodging executions, at which he was expert."  On 7/17/12 a person or persons unknown attempted to burn Hill's large two story commercial building on Van Buren Street by spreading an accelerant at its rear. The arsonist failed in this endeavor. Casting a warmer, perhaps Gringo-slanted, light on Hill's character, a 1919 article said "Yes sir, Mr. Hill is a typical fighter; a man who waged war with anything that deterred he (sic) and his small band of companions from that great work in opening up the Rio Grande Valley.  Of solid build and a marked aggressiveness, Mr. Hill was well qualified to carry the banner of civilization into the Valley.”

If optimism prevailed in the Valley as 1911 opened, dark clouds were gathering on the horizon, namely the continuing disturbances and unrest across the border in Mexico. When in 1911 the uprising in Mexico appeared to provide the possibility of spilling over the border, the War Department sent, at the end of January 1911, a troop of US Cavalry to reoccupy Fort Brown. However when no threats to the Lower Rio Grande Valley materialized, this small detachment was reassigned elsewhere and the fort was once again unoccupied. In March 1911 President Howard Taft ordered 25,000 troops to reinforce the Texas border. Later 20,000 soldiers or one quarter of the U.S. Army would be mobilized in Texas to intervene if necessary. These would be further supplemented with National Guard units from various states. All told upwards of 110,000 troops would eventually be stationed on the U.S. side of the border.

Madero adherents, who had been were entrenched in Matamoros, had been deposed by Federalists forces. Early in 1913, General Tasker Bliss, commander of the army's Southern Division, sarcastically dismissed the fears voiced by Valley residents. Texas Governor O. B. Colquitt acted on a request from the concerned citizens of Brownsville. On February 24, 1913, he ordered state militia to go to Brownsville This consisted of two cavalry troops and two companies of infantry. They arrived by train two days later. The guardsmen  stayed until July 27, 1913. The Federal government also sent Troop M of the 14th Cavalry from Laredo to reoccupy Fort Brown. This consisted of 175 men. They were under the command of Adj. General Henry Hutchins. Brownsville citizenry also acted on their own and formed the Brownsville Rifles.

Events close to home occurred in May 1913 when Carranza loyalist General Lucio Blanco captured Reynosa. The Matamoros garrison supported General Victoriano Huerta. On June 3, 1913 Blanco's army attacked and then captured Matamoros which then became the Constitutionalists' munitions import center. Some overmanned and overwhelmed Federalists under Major Ramos managed to escape to the American side where sympathetic citizens gave them aid. They surrendered their weapons upon crossing the international bridge. Thousands of Matamoros citizens fearing for their lives had also fled to Brownsville. Both cities were to be depopulated as the revolution progressed and the citizenry were endangered.

In August 1913 President Woodrow Wilson appointed his staunch Valley supporter, Frank Rabb, as Customs Collector for the area that encompassed Corpus Christi to Brownsville to Laredo. As the conflict in Mexico increased, Carranza moved to take control of Vera Cruz which was the vital port of entry for supplies for Huerta.  Carranza needed to get his arms across the US border. On November 29, Rabb had a private meeting with Carranza in Matamoros.  According to the New York Times, as President Wilson’s chief customs official at the Brownsville and Matamoros crossing.  Frank Rabb’s role was central to Carranza’s Veracruz success. General Lucio Blanco while stationed in Matamoros also befriended Frank Rabb to insure that a steady supply of war material flowed to the carrancistas via the US custom house and across the river.

Anders in his book goes into lengthy detail about Rabb's subsequent dealings. “After “rebels captured Matamoros, and the self-respecting Americans of Brownsville were treated with the spectacle of Frank Rabb and others of his associates among the Independent leaders fawning upon and making great ado over the officers of the Mexican army at a time when the blood of young boys, guilty of no other offense than of having differed in their political convictions from the capturers of the city and of having defended their home against the invading army, dyed the walls of the Market Place, where they had been stood against the wall (and) shot.”  In response to these attacks, Frank Rabb asserted that “the only interest that I have taken in Mexican matters is that which our Government stands for today.”

In 1914 when Bryan, by then Secretary of State, "supported Wilson's Mexican intervention it would later involve Rabb and other community leaders and affect the tranquility along the river."[Gen.] Lucio Blanco was critical to Carranza [and his presidential aspirations] since large amounts of arms and ammunition came through Matamoros, facilitated in part by Blanco's friendship with Frank Rabb, who as the chief collector of customs for Brazos Santiago and Laredo controlled four hundred miles of border".  Blanco, who commenced a land distribution program in Tamaulipas, displeased Carranza with this action and would then transfer him to the west coast of Mexico. The popular Blanco would later be killed under mysterious circumstances. As an interesting side note, during the turmoil that spilled over from the Mexican Revolution the Rabb Ranch was raided by “bandits” on August 10, 1915.  The attack seemed curious, given Rabb's assistance to the Carranzistas.

 

The U.S., in a transparent move based on a diplomatic slight not to offer a 21-gun salute to American naval forces, landed marines in Veracruz in April 1914.  Part of this action was to protect American oilfield interests near Tampico.  A peace conference initiated by the threesome countries of Argentina, Brazil and Chile was then held in Niagara, N.Y., but the resolution of claims and counterclaims was slow to evolve.

Thievery in rural areas was a fact of life.  Locals became fed up with the outlawry and organized their own Valley Protective Association to combat illicit activities.  The Federal government finally, in mid-August 1915, would assign five companies of infantry and two National Guard units to police the border from Brownsville northwest to Rio Grande City.  They were stationed in Rio Grande City, Sam Fordyce, Mission, Donna, Mercedes, and Harlingen then later San Benito too. The latter needed protection as its then student population of 1,276 indicated its recent growth. Regardless, by April 1914 some San Benito families were unsettled by the state of affairs and departed the Valley for points north.

The large land companies, in the midst of creating massive canal systems and installing giant pumping plants along the river, and also attempting to sell land to northern settlers were greatly concerned about their financial prospects due to the quickly changing conditions of the area.

The year 1914 was filled with unsettling events which both peripherally and directly affected Texas and the Valley.  Foremost was the start of the Great War (later to be called World War I) in Europe in August.  Not far behind was the ongoing Mexican imbroglio following former president Madero’s assassination in prison after Gen. Victoriano Huerta’s successful coup.  Venustiano Carranza was to seize power after the brief presidency of General Huerta only to be opposed by Zapatistas and Francisco Cabajal in the south and Pancho Villa’s army in the northwest.  While Carranza was the de facto president, the U.S. withheld recognition of his legitimacy while awaiting assurances initially concerning debts and amnesty but later additional political matters.

If 1914 wasn’t bad enough, 1915 was likely the nadir for Valleyites.  Anxieties rose in January when a copy of the “Plan of San Diego” was discovered in McAllen. It was in the possession of Mexican national, Basilio Ramos Jr., when he was detained by two lawmen, customs inspector Everette Anglin of Harlingen and Hidalgo Deputy Sheriff Tom S. Mayfield. Ramos had contacted a Mexican citizen, Dr. Andres Villarreal, who was visiting in McAllen. Villarreal in turn notified Deodoro Guerra who invited Ramos to meet him in his store the following day where the lawmen took him into custody and jailed him in Edinburg. The Bureau of Investigation was notified and began to look into the matter.

The Plan of San Diego was a communist-type revolutionary manifesto urging the liberation of the southwest states and the formation of an independent republic that might later seek annexation to Mexico. Mexicans, African-Americans and American Indians would populate this new independent state. North Americans over the age of sixteen were to be put to death. As farfetched as this idea appeared on the surface, events along the border fed its credibility. Complicated alliances fueled by the expansion of commercial farming into ranch land may have contributed to seditious activities. The fact was that the Plan of San Diego to be implemented on February 20, 1915 did not generate any action on the part of the great majority of Mexican-Americans.

The origins of the plan are unclear. Speculation has it that it was conceived in San Diego, which is in Duval County, Texas, by Huerta followers or written by his followers imprisoned in Monterrey. Other historians believe that it was condoned by Carranza and may even had led to the famed Zimmerman telegram in which a German idea to create a war between Mexico and the United States in order to keep the US out of Europe was suggested.

For over half a century the combative years of the second decade were popularly termed the era of the "Bandit Wars." Tempered with the passage of time and as modern-day historians take a more objective look at this period, the term "Border Wars" has come into use. The latter term better portrays the many manifestations of the area's conflicts at that earlier time.

Significant military action took place close to the Valley.  Non-combatants often fled north of the river.  As noted, General Lucio Blanco had captured Matamoros from Federalist forces on 6/3/13 only to be later confronted with an army opposed to them. Villa forces led by Gen. Jose Rodriguez were advancing toward Matamoros during March 1915.  An attack on the city began on 3/27.  Of an estimated 700 men in the assault 250 may have been killed.  Upon retreating, some 232 wounded and other soldiers crossed the river to Las Rucias (also spelled Rusias) Ranch (now near the intersection of FM1479 and HYW 281) where they were cared for by American citizens coming from Brownsville.  Later they were sent to Laredo and allowed to rejoin other Villa forces. Some say that this latter action may have led Carranza sympathizers to abet incursion across the border in retribution.

Emiliano P. Nafarrete, the Constitutionalist commander at Matamoros, was "ardently anti-American".  Incursions north of the river by "sediciosos" and others may have occurred with his tacit approval. Carranza might also have turned a blind eye to these activities in the hopes of receiving recognition from President Wilson that Carranza was indeed president of the Republic of Mexico. With this recognition he conceivably would be able to take more action to prevent cross-border incursions.

Despite repeated requests from both the local citizenry in the LRGV and from the Texas governor, the Federal government was slow to response in providing security to the border area.  At first, the excuse was that what was occurring was simply thievery and rustling and was a local matter. While the Mexican Revolution involved the push by compensenos for equality and recognition, there left little doubt that some Mexican Americans in the LRGV wanted to benefit from what was occurring in Mexico. Redressing past grievances by those who had suffered injustices was no small matter. Therefore support may have been both overt and covert. The high-handedness of the Texas Rangers contributed to this era of lawlessness. Diaz had created a “duty free zone” along the border and this act while heightening commerce also invited blatant cattle rustling.

The normal complement of the army's Southern Department, which encompassed the border regions of Texas, New Mexico and Arizona, consisted of five cavalry regiments, one infantry regiment, and the major elements of two field artillery regiments. This department, in fact, had the only complete and organized cavalry division in the Army.

Disturbing incidents connected with the revolution and lawlessness began to occur slowly but steadily. One of note happened in February 1913 when the Soliseno Ranch, 25 miles upriver from Matamoros was attacked. Bandits relieved the ranch of $3,000 in merchandise, cash, horses, and cattle. This same year Donna Post Mistress Donna Hooks was alerted to a gang of bandits who had killed four or five soldiers. Captain Craig of the 12th U.S. Cavalry then stationed in Donna was contacted to intercept the gang. While the men of the community picked up their rifles, women and children gathered at the brick hotel in Donna. The bandits escaped detection and apprehension however by turning south through the brush and fording the Rio Grande.

It was the abuse and murder of Laredo rancher, Clemente Vergara, in February 1914 that stirred Texas Governor Colquitt to call for Federal protection. Vergara was murdered in Mexico after he had crossed the Rio Grande in an effort to recover horse stolen from him.
Still the Federal government was slow to act. Colonel F.W. Sibley had conducted an investigation and attributed losses to local rustling activities and not to marauders from Mexico. This being the case he concluded the army could not intervene and that it was a concern for state and local officials. Additional actions and complaints would change this point of view shared by General Funston, but this would not occur until July 1915.

The year 1915 was the apex of raids. Following is a list of border troubles:
Early 1915  citizens of San Juan on the rumor of bandits in the area gather at the two-story bank building Soldiers from for Brown arrive in the early morning hours and capture some bandits hiding in an orchard near San Juan. Town citizens organize a daily nighttime patrol.

July 4, 1915 from 20 to 50 armed “Mexicans” take four horse and mounts from Los Indios Ranch
The next day apparently the same gang raid a ranch 11 miles northeast of Lyford.

July 9, 1915 King Ranch employee kills a discovered raider near Norias

July 12,1915 band of Mexican bandits rob Nils Peterson
Eleven armed ethnic Mexicans captured Peterson about four miles south of Lyford. They then forced him to open his small store and provide them food and ammunition. This same day two Mexican American police officers are shot from a distance near Brownsville. One later dies.

July 17,1915 found bullet-riddled body of farmer Bernard Boley of Sebastian A band of riders, previously reported in the vicinity of the north county line, killed Bernard Boley, a young man.

July 19, 1915 two bandits killed near Mercedes

July 25, 1915 a seventy-five foot railroad trestle south of Sebastian burned by bandits and a telegraph line near Harlingen cut  Later the St. Louis, Brownsville and Mexico Railway repair crew of the work train was fired upon. These actions may have moved Governor James E. Ferguson to send Texas Ranger Captain Harry Ransom to the LRGV. In a Wikipedia article Ransom was said to “lead a "pacification campaign." According to author John William Weber, Ransom was in charge of an "assassination squad" that conducted a "scorched-earth campaign of annihilation" against both guilty and innocent Mexicans.”

July 26, 1915, the week of  20 to 50 men spotted north of Brownsville  A milk man and several residents are taken hostage then released. In a confrontation the next day one soldier is killed and one wounded out of the pursuing squadron of 20.

July 31, 1915 Jose Maria Benavides killed near Las Indios Ranch by bandits

August 3, 1915 Rangers and deputy sheriffs attack a ranch near Paso Real and, because there were alleged to be bandits there, kill unarmed Desiderio Flores, and one son who came to his defense.  Returning the next day, the vengeful and errant lawmen kill a second son whom his eighteen year old sister, Josefina tried to hide.

August 6, 1915 Alexander Store in Sebastian is robbed by fifteen armed men  Armed ethnic Mexicans robbed several stores, took prime horses, and burned outbuildings of several nearby stores.

August 6, 1915 A. L. Austin and son Charles killed
Alfred Austin and his son Charles were shelling corn on their farm outside Sebastian when the band noted above approached the farm in search of them. The Austins were known as segregationists whose personal behavior had angered local Tejanos. The senior Austin was head of the local Law and Order League. In front of Mrs. Austin, and after the raiders had demanded the family weapons, father and son were dragged from the kitchen and summarily shot. Patrols out the next day failed to find the marauders. A second version of the Austin story differ in details: Then at a nearby granary the bandits picked up A.L. Austin and his son Charlie.  They were taken to their house which was then robbed.  After assuring Mrs. Austin that her men would be safe, the robbers drove them away in a wagon manned by a young man named Elmer Millard. The Austins were then shot to death, but Millard was released.
In 1916 condemned Mexican bandits José Buenrostro and Melquiades Chapa would pose for  photographer Robert Runyon in a small chapel provided for their last prayers. Buenrostro and Chapa were arrested for alleged banditry but were later implicated in a previous raid in Sebastian, Texas, where two men where killed. They were hung in Brownsville.
August 7, 1915 Charles Jensen, a night watchman at a Lyford cotton gin is shot and wounded
August 7, 1915 large number of bandits attack the King Ranch Los Norias division headquarters This was the most publicized confrontation of many that occurred. In trying to obtain some reflected glory, some individuals provided false accounts. The most accurate account that we have was provided by long time Texas Ranger and “straight-shooter”, John R. Peavey. He documented the story as told to him by D. P. Gay, a mounted inspector of the U.S. Immigration Service. [He was the husband of Minnie Gay for who the Minnie Gay Junior High School in Harlingen was named] Here it is in its entirety:
“ On August 7, 1915, about two o'clock in the afternoon, I noticed a passenger train leaving the depot of the St. L.B. & M Railroad, which was near the Immigration Station in Brownsville. As the regular departure time was 3:30 p. m., still an hour and a half away, I questioned the ticket agent. He told me it was a special which had been ordered to the Norias Ranch, about seventy miles from Brownsville, and that there had been a report that a large band of Mexican bandits in the vicinity of this ranch were stealing horses from the King Ranch. He also informed me that passengers on the special train were Henry Hutchings, Adjutant General of Texas; State Ranger Captains Henry Ransom and J. m. Fox; several State Rangers; and Captain George J. Head.
I went to the Immigration Station, got my rifle and some ammunition and caught the northbound regular train at 3:30. as the train passed San Benito, I saw Joe Taylor, another mounted Custom Inspector, standing on the platform. I told him what I had heard, and he was eager to join me. He got on the train, and at Harlingen we were joined by Marcus Hinds, another mounted Custom Inspector, and Gordon Hill, Deputy Sheriff of Cameron County.
We arrived at the Norias Ranch about 5:30 p. m. We were told that the other officers who had preceded us on the other train had left on horseback, accompanied by several of the ranch hands, on their way to the Sauz, another of the King ranches about twenty-five miles away where it was reported the bandits were then raiding. We made our way to the ranch house, and found two Mexican cowboys, the Mexican [?] ranch carpenter [George Forbes] and his wife, the Negro ranch cook [Albert] and his wife, two Mexican women and eight soldiers. The latter were from the U.S. Cavalry troops stationed in Harlingen.
Supper was ready, and after we had eaten, we walked out in the yard. Marcus hinds raised his hand to point, and said “There come the Rangers back to the ranch.”
I let my gaze follow the direction of his pointing, and saw about thirty mounted men strung out about a quarter of a mile, riding toward the ranch at a slow lope. Joe Taylor, who had been watching them closely, and while they were still about a quarter of a mile away said “Notice those big hats? And what's that white flag? Hell, boys, get your guns ready! Those are Mexican bandits, and they're attacking this ranch!
We didn't know what the white flag meant, unless perhaps it was a sign of truce. We got our rifles and went to the railroad track to await their approach.” When they were about 250 yards away, they waved a red flag, dismounted, and opened fire on us with their rifles. We returned the fire, but then discovered that another band of about fifteen had slipped up to within ninety yards east of us along the railroad track, and from behind some railroad ties, were firing on us. We were being attacked from the east and south.
Frank Martin, one of the cowboys from the King Ranch, was hit in the right arm, and it was broken in two places. We were in crossfire, so we moved nearer the fence where we had more protection. The soldiers kept up a steady fire at the bandits with their Springfield rifles, and a bandit who was still mounted was shot by one of them at close range. We next concentrated our fire on the bandits to the east of us, who in turn joined those near the tool house on the south, and they were advancing toward us. We were making it hot for them, and about ten or twelve of them made their way to a railroad section house, kicked out the windows and started firing into our position from there.
This gave them a great advantage, inasmuch as the section foreman, his wife, and several hands and their families were all hiding in the house, and we couldn't fire into it for fear we would hit some of them. The bandits, while in the house, killed an old Mexican woman, according to her son who told us the story later.
One of them had asked her, “How many gringos are out there?” to which she replied “See for yourself!” Whereupon the bandit shot her, killing her instantly.
Before we had gone out into the yard, we had instructed those in the house to lie on the floor in the event the bandits attacked the house. The ranch carpenter was shot through a lung after he was wounded in the first attack, and one soldier, who was also wounded in the first attack, was later shot through the leg as he lay on a cot near the house.
After the first attack, we were down to eleven men with rifles, and were outnumbered about eight to one. Had we concentrated our fire on the house, we could have killed most of the bandits who were inside; but in doing so, we could have killed our own people. The situation looked bad for us. Knowing Mexicans of their type as I did, I was wondering what our fate was going to be. Our ammunition was getting low, and I had only three shots left. I was thinking of those men at the Alamo in 1836, and how they must have felt, when all at once the bandits began to retreat to the south. Had the battle lasted a little longer, the bandits would have won. The good Lord must have seen our position and taken a hand in the matter.
After the bandits retreated, we became fearful of what would happen after dark, so we telephoned to Kingsville for more ammunition and help, but could not find anyone who could run the engine or wanted to take the train down the track. It seemed strange to us that Kingsville, being a railroad division point, and with many railroad men living there, was unable to find anyone with guts enough to bring us a little help.
The fight had lasted about two and a half hours, and all the while they were shooting at us and we at them, the bandits had been yelling like Indians. We gained our advantages during the fight when one of their  leaders had gotten hit and put out of operation. This seemed to upset their detail, and they appeared to lose contact with each other temporarily, and would duck for cover. This gave us time to reload and get ready for the next attack.
Nevertheless, we were very concerned about what the bandits were planing for after dark, as we had no ammunition and it seemed no one in Kingsville had the courage to bring us a little  help. We lay flat on the ground around our wounded so that when the bandits returned we could skylight them and be prepared for their approach. We would let them have it with what ammunition we had left.
Several hours later, we heard voices of men approaching, and the tread of horse. I told Marcus that I believed it was the Rangers coming. About then we recognized the voice of Captain Head, and called out to him, “Is that you, Captain?” The answer was “Yes.”
It was fortunate that we heard them before they reached our position, otherwise we would have mistaken them for bandits and fired on them; only one shot would have given them reason to fire on us,. I shudder to think what what could have happened.
About midnight a special train arrived from Brownsville bringing two troops of dismounted cavalry and several civilian officers, among them Sheriff T.W. Vann of Cameron County, Sheriff A. Y. Baker of Hidalgo County, Lamar Gill, and Lon C. Hill, Sr. after a time, a train from Kingsville arrived. They apparently felt it was safe by then to put in an appearance.
During the rest of the night, we were told by many who had not been there what we should have done, and what they would have done had they been there, until Joe Taylor got good and mad and told them in  aloud voice that he was tired of being told what they would have done. His silencing remark was “If you are so smart, the bandits are somewhere out in the brush, why don't you take after them on your horse and catch them before they cross the river?”
From a reliable source, I was later told that there were seventy-nine of the bandits who had attacked us, and they had the best ammunition and rifles, some of which were 7mm mousers. It was conservatively estimated that we had killed twenty-three ans wounded twenty who got away.
When the fleeing bandits left, they had captured a boy and taken him along with them. During the night he escaped and returned to the ranch about daylight. He told us that there were many wounded who had to be tied to their horse, and that five had died and were buried that night in the sand. Their graves were found by ranch hands. It was reported to us later that six more had died after crossing the river into Mexico.
One of the wounded bandits, whom I talked to after the fight, told me that they had not expected to find officers at the ranch. They intended robbing the ranch store, wrecking and robbing the night train of mail and money, and then burning the ranch house and returning to Mexico.
Those who took part in this fight, and only those I name here – Joe Taylor and Marcus Hinds, U.S. Custom officers; Gordon Hill, Deputy Sheriff of Cameron County; Frank Martin [ranch foreman; later to become deputy sheriff and be murdered at a party in Raymondville, late November 1917] and Lauro Cavazos, King Ranch hands; eight soldiers; and myself, D.P. Gay, Mounted Inspector of the U.S. Immigration Service. If other say that they were in this fight, they speak an untruth. There were many who claim that they were there – they lie in their teeth.”
Historians, after the fact, attribute the armed raiders to be under the direction of wronged rancher, Aniceto Pizana and Luis de la Rosa, who was either a Brownsville grocer or a butcher from Rio Hondo.
Both had come out in favor of the Plan of San Diego and both had organized fighters in  military-like organizations.
Noted Brownsville photographer Robert Runyon arrived on the scene the day after the fight. He photographed, what would be widely-circulated pictures of several rangers dragging the bodies of killed bandits to a burial site. Supposedly this crude treatment of the dead was out of fear that they might have small pox.
Shortly after the raid, to diffuse the tense situation closer to home, San Benito law enforcement officials asked the area’s Mexican-Americans to voluntarily turn in arms and ammunition. More than 200 individuals complied with this request. Considering the situation at the time, this was an act of great faith.

August 9, 1915 two bandits killed near the Mercedes pump house on the river  A cavalry patrol near the river was ambushed, but the soldiers soon returned fire and killed two of the bandits before the remainder found sanctuary across the river.

August 11, 1915 Soldier, C. L. Waterfield killed near Progreso  A night patrol riding near the river was ambushed. Waterfield was instantly killed. All the bandits escaped into Mexico.

August 16, 1915 Soldier Wellman killed near Progreso  Peavey relates: “A government scout named Longoria reported to Lt. Roy Henry of Troop “C”, 12th U.S. Cavalry, that there was a band of about twenty bandits in the thick brush a little west of the town of Progreso, and that they were headed for the river. Lt. Henry took a detachment of mounted men and followed their tracks. Apparently the bandits heard the approaching soldiers and laid an ambush, into which the soldiers rode. Wellman was killed and Lt. Henry and a private named Jackson were wounded. All the bandits escaped to Mexico.”

August 19. 1915 Nine bandits killed at several wounded at Madero south of Mission Again we learn from Peavey: “Several deputy sheriffs from Hidalgo County were trailing a band of about twenty bandits when they found that the tracks were getting fresher. They made a detour and laid a trap. The bandits rode into it just as the soldiers had been doing for them. Nine were killed and several wounded. Some got back to Mexico, but very few.”

August 25, 1915 Smith and Donaldson murdered at the second lift station near Los Fresnos
James A. Keillor in his brief “History of Los Fresnos” provides the best account of this incident. To paraphrase: “Earl Donaldson was on his way to San Benito from [very early] Los Fresnos to pick up lumber for the house he was building. He left his wagon with the Zumwalts for repair. Juanita Zumwalt had cautioned him to “watch out” as she had seen soldiers earlier and feared that “there may be bandits out”. Shortly after Donaldson left, smoke was seen rising where a building was being built by [Stanley] Dodds and [a Mr.] Smith to house irrigation pumps. The three were taken hostage and taken along to the resaca a few miles to the east. Donaldson and Smith were executed at a point about one mile north and one quarter mile east of the Los Fresnos townsite near present day Henderson Road and Cuates Resaca. [This was near the Agua Prieta Ranch northeast of Los Fresnos. Their naked bodies were found tied to a hackberry tree, riddled with bullets.]
Later Dodd managed to escape with the help of Jesus Esparza [other versions indicate that Esparza talked the bandits into releasing Dodd as he was a good gringo] and work his way back to the townsite. to call for help. Perry Clark who was working for canal builder Joe Ballenger began to warn citizens of the area. The Zumwalts call Fort Brown. The force and Clark encountered the bandits near Agua Negra and a gunfight took place where Whipple Road and Paredes Road intersect. There is no record of deaths between the contending forces but a young Mexican girl was killed by a stray bullet.”
The bandits had destroyed the pumping station equipment, nearby construction material, and Dodd's vehicle. Allegedly, these particular raiders were said to be under the direction of Aniceto Pizana.

August 31, 1915 bandit band likely involved in Los Fresnos tragedy are tracked and confronted. Cameron County sheriff deputies follow the trail of about eighteen bandits, lay a trap, kill two and wound many more.

September 2, 1915 railroad bridge about fifteen miles from Brownsville burned Also in this date a raider band clashed with cavalry near Harlingen.

September 3, 1915 every house at Jeff Scrivner's Ojo de Agua Ranch southwest of Mission looted On the following day Sheriff A.Y. Baker and some of his deputies along with Captain Frank r. McCoy, 3rd U.S. Cavalry and a detachment of Mission-stationed soldiers retrace the bandit trail to the river. They come under fire from the Mexico side. One soldier is wounded, but many surprised and exposed  Mexicans are said to be killed and wounded. This is an unexpected development because orders are not to fire across the river.

September 11, 1915 a soldier named Richard Johnson is captured and tortured

September 12, 1915 small band of bandits attack armed farmers near Lyford; two bandits killed and wounded one later dies

September 14, 1915 At Galveston Ranch southeast of Santa Maria, 3rd U.S. Cavalry attacked Taken by surprise while asleep at 4 a. m.,  Pvt. Anthony Kraft is killed and three soldiers wounded. Later that day the soldiers apprehended five Mexican ethnics living at the ranch and arrested them.  They were taken to San Benito and turned over to the deputy sheriff who jailed them.  That night at about 9:30 pm the deputy sheriffs took three of the prisoners and started out on the road to Harlingen.  The next morning the three Mexicans were found dead, having been summarily executed.  The encompassing word for this is "lynched".

September 17, 1915 At Galveston Ranch 3rd U.S. Cavalry again attacked; 12 bandits killed and several wounded

September 17, 1915  cavalry patrol on river south of Donna fired upon by bandits

September 17, 1915 Rangers kill one Refugio Perez in Hidalgo County. They killed a wrong individual. They thought that he was Jesus Perez, whose relative was killed earlier that month at Ojo de Agua.

September 18, 1915 3rd Cavalry troop led by Lt. Glass is fired upon from the Mexico side No soldiers are hit.

September 20, 1915 bandits cross river near Penitas

September 21, 1915 bandits raid Talpa Ranch fifteen miles northwest of Mission Food, ammunition , and horses are stolen.

September 24, 1915 Ojo de Agua hit once again
The attacking forces were well organized in a “military style command structure differentiating between officers and soldiers.” The post office and other buildings were attacked.

September 25, 1915 eight to 30 bandits attack San Juanito Ranch; James B. McAllen with assistance from ranch cook, Dona Maria de Agras, kills four bandits, including their leader Gregorio Aleman, and wounds three others. Later in trying to find the bandits Ranger Captain Ransom and his fellow rangers without any solid evidence summarily shot to death ranch hands Jesus Bazan and Antonio Longoria as the two rode to a nearby Tejano ranch.

September 25, 1915 band of fifty bandits attacks outpost of 26th U.S. Cavalry at Toluca Ranch and the Saenz Store south of Mercedes  Lt. W. King of the 26th U. S. Infantry returns to the Progreso site to find one private dead [Henry Stubblefield] and another wounded [Kenneth Kennedy] in a surprise attack. Eleven soldiers of the 6th Cavalry, under Captain James Anderson, stationed at the Mercedes headgates had heard the gunfire and went to the aid of the outpost. Captain Anderson is badly wounded. The forces face a 2 ½ firefight then skirmishes for the next 24 hours. Pvt. Richard J. Johnson of Troop B, 12th Cavalry is found missing at the Progreso Crossing. The 21 year old, from Mount Morris, New York, had been captured, taken across the river, had his ears cut off, then was decapitated for a souvenir, and lastly his body was tossed into the river.
Widespread publicity of this atrocious act brought Washington officials off the fence when it came to sending more troops to South Texas in order to secure the border.

September 28, 1915  a woman living near Harlingen was attacked by two and wounded in her forearm.

October 5, 1915 patrol of 6th Cavalry ambushed near Mercedes, casualties are sketchy

October 17,1915 bandits derail and burn locomotive and train three miles south of Olmito near the Tandy Ranch. engineer dies and two passengers are murdered. The two-passenger car train was on its way from Harlingen to Brownsville. Spikes and fish plates were removed from the track and then the bandits used a wire cable to pull the rail to one side just as the train approached. When the locomotive hit this section, it tipped over and plunged to its side in a ditch. The throttle of the engine pierced  engineer H. H. Kendall's chest. It later had to be cut in two in order to remove his body. Fireman Woodall was badly scolded from the hot steam which escaped from the ruptured boiler but survived. The stopped train was then riddled with bullets before the bandits boarded it. The armed guard of 3rd
U. S. Cavalry soldiers in civilian dress were shot as well as civilians. One soldier named McBee was dead, having been shot several times. Soldier Claude J. Brasher had been shot in the face but was still alive and the last soldier, H. C. Layton was painfully wounded. Passengers took cover wherever they could. Dr. S. E. McCain and Harry Wallace, who took refuge in the men's toilet were both wounded. Brownsville businessman Morris Edelstein and Brownsville attorney John Kleber had safely found shelter on the floor between seats. While the baggage and mail cars had overturned the two passenger car had remained upright.

Morris Edelstein, the Brownsville merchant, who was aboard the train documented what had occurred with the help of his son Ben. As the bandits had approached him, he addressed them in Spanish and asked that his suitcase be left alone. They took him for a Mexican and did so. “There was another passenger, a traveling salesman, whom the bandits seized and were ready to kill, when my father shouted in Spanish, 'Don't kill him he is German!' (Which he was not). In those days the people in Mexico had a high respect for Germans. Some of the generals in the Mexican army were of German descent.  The Germans were also friendly to the bandits.  They furnished the bandits with guns, ammunition and other necessities, hoping that the bandits would drive all of the Texas settlers out of the state. The bandits stole the black porter's shoes forcing him to run some three miles barefoot [to the Cottingham Ranch] before he could spread the news of the train robbery.
The traveling salesman profusely thanked Dad for having saved his life but swore that he would never return to Texas. For as long as he lived, every year at Christmas time the traveling salesman mailed Dad a Christmas card.”
“ There was also an elderly Mexican couple on the wrecked train. When the Rangers came to examine the wreck, they came across the elderly couple, thinking that they may have assisted the bandits. Dad told the Rangers that these people had boarded the train in Houston, that they were only passengers and had no connection with the bandits. The Rangers proceeded down the aisle. (One can only imagine
what was on their minds.) “
Lawman John Peavey was among those who arrived early on the scene. He and others then commenced to track the bandit band. They found stolen items (the raiders had taken personal possessions from both the living and the dead, including shoes from all the men) discarded all the way to the river and to near the Villa Nueva Ranch where the bandits crossed the river into Mexico.
He also wrote of vigilante justice associated with the incident. Ten Mexicans living near the Tandy Ranch had been taken into custody and four had been hung. Peavey later wrote “It was an ugly and grim sight. I had seen things like this before but to me it still seemed cold and cruel.” Six others were shot by their Ranger and civilian captors. Peavey, who had seen the bandit tracks coming and going to the river knew that these men were innocent. Sheriff Vann fingered Ranger Captain Ransom as the leader of the executioners. Vann, who was no “white hat” lawmen did gain some admiration in 1915 and 1916 for his objections to the lynching of Tejanos. Years later Vann would arrest three Rangers for going into people's homes and taking their guns.

October 21, 1915 bandits attack army outpost at Ojo de Agua Ranch; three soldiers are killed.  Sgt. Schaefer and eight soldiers were camping and most asleep at the site that afforded little cover. About 60 to 80 Mexican bandits attacked them and killed the sergeant along with privates Joyce and McConnell.  The carnage would have been worst had not Capt. W.J. Scott heard shots from his camp near Penitas. With 20 raw recruits from New York and New Jersey they rode bareback toward the fray and the attacking Mexicans fled. Nine soldiers of the combined group were wounded. This was not until six Mexicans and their Japanese leader had been killed.
These same Sediciosos also mounted an attack on the nearby Dillard homestead. The Spanish speaking son, George, in this mixed Anglo-Tejano family helped scout for army units.
After Texas Senator Sheppard personally came to the Valley to assess the border unrest and the situation as a whole, he wanted to see the site of the skirmish. Frank Rabb arranged for the Senator and three or four colonels to visit the site. From Mission he drove them there by car but was later admonished for not bringing along added protection.
After the engagement, Major General Frederick Funston, Commanding General Southern Department, "asked for another regiment of infantry to be placed in Harlingen to act as a guard so that the size of each cavalry patrol could be increased.  The War Department complied by sending the 28th Infantry from Dallas.", this according to historian Charles Cumberland.

October 25, 1915 bandits attack the outpost that had been set up near the October 17 train derailment near Olmito  After dark a volley is fired into the encampment but before any retaliation can be enacted the culprits disappear into the thick brush. Herman Moore of the 4th U.S. Infantry is shot and later dies of his wound.

November 5, 1915 river patrol of 6th Cavalry fired upon near Mercedes pump house; many bandits reportedly shot and killed

January 24, 1916 some members of the 4th U. S. Cavalry were picked up by Mexican bandits and made prisoners The two men, stationed near Progreso, apparently swam across the river to purchase liquor. Carranza soldiers nabbed Wheeler and Peterson. The Commanding Officer of the 5th Field Artillery foolishly directed a lieutenant and twenty-four men to cross the river to negotiate a return of the two soldiers. In doing so , four of the 26 swimmers drowned. After being brought to Matamoros the two derelict soldiers on the third day were transferred across the bridge. They were tried by a special court martial and suitably punished. “The officers who permitted the crossing of the river were reprimanded for violating existing orders.”

June 11, 1916  Matamoros commander General Ricaut orders the arrest of de la Rosa and his followers in Monterrey, however most of de la Rosa's followers get away

June 16, 1916  a band of sixty de la Rosa marauders attacks an army patrol in Webb County and four American soldiers are killed

June 14-17, 1916  10 miles north of Brownsville and a few miles from San Benito a detachment of soldiers is fired upon by a group of about 20 raiders One raider is killed. Still in pursuit three days later 50 soldiers cross the river. Ignoring warnings by Mexico's General Ricaut not to cross the border, General Parker orders over a hundred more cavalrymen to follow this band into Mexico. They do so with considerable equipment. After a one-day incursion and camping the night seven miles outside Matamoros, a minor skirmish, and a pledge by Ricaut to apprehend the raiders, the U.S. troops return across the border.

July 17, 1917  Hill Sugar mill in Harlingen burned to ground; fire attributed to bandits More likely as the bandit troubles were well winding down, the fire were set by disgruntled individuals who had an ax to grind with Lon C. Hill. The wood-clad factory, located at the site of the present baseball stadium, had been closed since the spring of 1914. It had cost at least $125,000 to erect in 1911.

December 1917  Historian Benjamin Heber Johnson tells us in his Revolution in Texas".  "Although the identities of most raiders were usually completely unknown, army officers sometimes suspected former Sediciosos.  This was the case in a December 1917 incident, when a cavalry unit near Harlingen shot at five men attempting to cross the Rio Grande.  They killed one of the men who, an officer stated, 'may be one Mariano Casarez, wanted by civil authorities for charges of banditry…connected with de la Rosa and Pizaña in their raids of 1915.' "

By July 8, 1915, Cameron County Judge H. L. Yates had seen enough. He wrote General Frederick Funston, now in charge of the Southern Division of the very real dangers confronting Americans in the Valley.

With unsettled conditions along the border the fort had been reactivated in 1914. Cavalry patrols were scheduled to begin along the border. Despite the turmoil, active regular land promotional excursions for northerners continued, and thousands of dollars of sales were reported. Even the somewhat isolated community of Monte Christo northwest of Edinburg had come into existence.  It had been founded in 1909 by the Melado Land Company of Houston and the following year had a post office. The community was to disappear by 1915 when the town’s main water well failed.

The men of La Feria organized themselves for self-protection. The vigilance committee and a rifle club
obtained fifteen Krag rifles and 3,000 rounds of ball cartridges from the government. If threatened the women and children would use the substantial Bailey Dunlap house for refuge. Later Captain Broadstreet would command an army unit stationed in the town.

When on October 19, 1915 the U.S. government under President Woodrow Wilson officially recognized Carranza as the head of Mexico it believed cross-border disturbances would cease. They didn't entirely.  Fortunately Gen. Frederick W. Funston, upon request, had in early August begun to receive sufficient military help to supplement his 300 troops at Fort Brown. Two batteries of artillery and the 26th Infantry Regiment from Texas City had been dispatched to Brownsville. Soon Funston dispersed 14,000 troops along the South Texas border. By the end of the month,the now distraught Funston asked the War Department for additional reinforcements. Soon the 4th Infantry and 16th Cavalry were sent to Harlingen and the 19th Infantry split between Del Rio and Fort Houston. By November over half the total mobile forces of the US Army were in south Texas. Additional National Guard units from various states would supplement these soldiers. Funston had additionally asked for twenty bloodhounds and fifty Apache Indians trained in scouting work. He wished to track the raiders and, if necessary, follow them into Mexico. The War Department and its Secretary, Lindley Miller Garrison, were set aghast at this request but did send a new regiment of infantry, namely the 23rd Infantry who had recently come to Florida from duty in the Philippines. With nearly all regular army soldiers now in the Valley any additional ones would have to come from the national guard.

Carranza after inflicting defeats on Villa and Zapatista forces was able to consolidate some control.  On 10/1/15 he removed Nafarrete from his post, likely in part to appease mounting American protests. Several months later Carranza was able to make a triumphant visit to Matamoros, but by 11/15/15 thousands of U.S. troops under the command of Maj.-Gen. Frederick N. Funston, commander of the Southern District, had been dispatched to the border. Even two military planes were dispatched to the Valley from Fort Sill. They were used to survey suspected illicit activities along the US side of the border but were frequently fired upon from south of the river.

With nearly six weeks of bandit, some historians now say—insurrectionist, activities, many settlers were nervous and angry, but that was not reason enough to take the law into their own hands.  However some did so on 7/25/15 when one Adolfo Muñoz was taken from the custody of Deputy Sheriffs Frank Carr and Daniel Hinojosa while being transported from San Benito to Brownsville. Eight masked men were in the highjacking party. This suspect of the robbery and murder of a reclusive merchant was then both hung and shot. Five days earlier Hidalgo County deputy sheriffs had, at Mercedes, killed the Manriquez brothers, Lorenzo and Gregorio. Portrayed as robbers, they were killed while “resisting arrest.”

The fact was that few law enforcement people were willing to risk their lives in order to protect those in their custody.  Most were in fact sympathetic to the vigilante aggressors and the swiftness of vigilante justice.  They were not unique. This had been made abundantly clear with national publicity when Leo Frank, a Jewish businessman, was sprung from prison and lynched in Cobb County, Georgia a half month later. His death sentence for the murder of his employee 13-year old Mary Phagan had been commuted to life imprisonment by the governor. Frank always maintained his innocence in the crime.  He was posthumously pardoned by the state in 1986. Some Valley victims are only now receiving the scholarly objectivity which they deserve.

In what may have been the single worst episode, but glossed over by the newspapers, was what occurred in a remote area west of Donna prior to October 2, 1915.  The bodies of fourteen Mexicans (some accounts say that they were actually local Mexican Americans) were reportedly discovered strewn on a lonely country road west of town.  They had been killed several days before as indicated by the condition of the corpses.  Who they were and who might have killed them was never explained by the Brownsville newspaper which did not follow up on the subject.  Was this lack of follow due to the acceptance of the prevailing law enforcement attitudes at this time, implicit agreement with the action, or intimidation? The newspaper account had been very circumspect.  The victims were in fact hung and left to decompose near the Ebenezer railroad depot.  Later personal accounts attributed the action to victorious Rangers who had encountered forty raiders on September 28 and brought about the hanging of those taken prisoners.

More vigilante justice is revealed in a Brownsville Sentinel newspaper account of Tuesday 5/23/16 in a front-page article submitted by a Special Correspondent. It  reads:
"Sheriff Atkins of Wallace (sic) County personally identified Col. Luis Morin, an alleged Villista, as being "Captain Morin" who last fall lead an attack by bandits on Norias ranch where two were killed and two wounded.  Morin was arrested two weeks ago near San Antonio by federal officers, it being alleged that he was behind a plot hatched for a Mexican uprising in Southern Texas.                     Another important identification was made by Doc Scarrett (sic), a brakeman on the Brownsville train wrecked last October near Brownsville, at which time Dr. McCain and two others were fatally wounded.  Scarrett (sic) said that Victoriano Ponce was one of the bandits that robbed the passengers on that train.  Ponce, who has been working as a baker at Kingsville, was arrested by Sheriff Scarborough. Morin and Ponce tonight were taken to the Brownsville jail.                                   NOTE:--Inquiry at the jail at a late hour elicited the information that no prisoners had been received during the night." The next day the newspaper noted "J. S. Scarborough, Sheriff of Kleburg County, wired the Sentinel last night that he had no information of the whereabouts of Luis Morin further than that gleaned from newspaper accounts. Following reports yesterday that Luis Morin and Victoriano Ponce had been killed while attempting to escape from Willacy County officers and Texas state rangers near Norias, the Sentinel wired Sheriff Scarborough for confirmation.  Mr. Scarborough replied as follows: "Morin was delivered to authorities of Willacy County on 5/21 and was identified as a noted bandit who took part in the Norias  ranch raid as well as other raids in the Valley. I have no further information other than newspaper reports.  Signed J.S. Scarborough" Neither the men nor their bodies were ever found.
The Hebronville area was also the scene of Ranger depredations. Wounded suspects were brought in and often incinerated near a lumberyard. There were other documented and undocumented incidents regarding the local Hispanic population. While legal maneuvering presents some semblance of justice, physical intimidation is overtly unjust.  So it was with the lynchings which occurred in the Valley.  Lynching often refers to hanging; it means in broad terms execution in any form without due process of law.
To its shame Texas stands third among the states, after Mississippi and Georgia, in the total number of lynching victims between 1885 and 1942 according to The Handbook of Texas Online.  Fifty-three percent of these died in the 1915 troubles.  “Six mobs in Cameron, Willacy, and Hidalgo counties accounted for twenty-six of the victims.
Numerous transgressions on the U.S. side occurred in this period.  These resulted in deaths, cattle rustling, thievery, and the destruction of property.  Frank C. Pierce, a friend of the Tejano community, provides a detailed chronology of most raids and the events leading up to them. He could personally list one hundred and two victims by name. There is some evidence that followers of Carranza may have instigated some of the thirty raids into Texas that resulted in twenty one American deaths.

On the other hand Pierce and federal reports indicate more than 300 Mexicans or Mexican-Americans were summarily (without due process of law) executed by Texas Rangers and deputy sheriffs. Most occurred between 8/4/15 and 6/17/16. Major General Frederick Funston, who commanded the army's Southern division estimated that state and local authorities “did execute by hanging or shooting approximately three hundred suspected Mexicans on the American side of the river.”Walter Prescott Webb, the famous biographer of the Rangers estimates that between 500 and 5,000 Mexicans were killed in the Valley during this period. This is highly speculative as Webb was never in the area during this period as Pierce was and his wide range of figures leaves them questionable.  Webb puts the American  civilian deaths at 62 and those of soldiers at 64. In April 1916 one newspaper placed the number of killing of Latinos at 1,500.

Pierce, a Brownsville native, had some insightful comments to make about the situation.  Quoting from his book: “Proportionate to the number of new settlers, comparatively few murders or killings took place, although thieving became a profession so that almost every family of Americans in the valley suffered the loss of their fine-blooded stock, farming implements, etc.”  He was very objective and honest when he wrote “The author cannot let pass his opportunity to say that during the bandit raids of 1915 many evil influences were brought to bear to clear the country of Mexicans.  To his knowledge more than one was forced to flee and convey his chattel before going.” Tejanos fleeing into Mexico were entering a world every bit as disruptive as they were leaving. There was to be little solace for them. By early 1916 things had turned the corner for the better north of the river; many Tejanos began to return. Not only that, but conditions were so poor in interior Mexico that Mexican aliens began to come across the border to the United States. With World War I on the horizon, America would need these potential workers.

In 1998 Emma L. Balli and Perla B. Balli of Olmito would voice the sentiments still held by many Valley Hispanics even after the passage of many decades. In the book that they authored, Padre Island Trials and Tribulations “La Verdad”, they offered the following critique:
“The original Tejanos and Mejicanos settled in what is now known as Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, Cameron, Kenedy, Refugio, Hidalgo, Starr, and Willacy Counties.  In Texas not one single county is named for these early settlers:  The Ballis, Tijerinas, Hinojosas, Villareales and others.  They were to become unacceptable on their own lands, and ultimately ostracized either by force, intimidation, murder, shooting, and burning of their properties.  They were offered no protection from the anglo law.  The law itself was made up of the same anglos who wanted to take over their land -- unscrupulous persons, unethical attorneys, and corrupt judges, consequently many people died defending their lands.  When the Texas Rangers or the sheriff arrived to confiscate a rancho, the owner had no choice but to leave.  Whole families were lynched, shot, or tortured.  Some were forced to sign their life belongings away under threat of death.  Attorneys with the help of the law forced the land owners to sign away their land deeds.  These un-American activities were repeated elsewhere in Texas, New Mexico, and California.  The same tactics were repeated again in the early turn of the 20th Century 1915-1921 when immigration authorities rounded up many Mexicans.  The authorities raided homes and deported families back to Mexico, even though they were born here.  If you were a Mexican, you were a target and if you owned land you were considered high priority.  You did not meet the new status quo “white and spoke English”; it was the construction of power.  You did not meet the paradigm of race.  From Brownsville, Texas to San Diego, California, these exploits took place.  Somebody called this the Rainbow Era because of the great settlement program initiated by the real estate companies that seized the majority of the lands here in the Rio Grande Valley.  The real estate companies paid a prospective buyer a round trip ticket to the valley.  Large caravans of northerners were seen traveling to the Rio Grande Valley to buy land.  What a sickening scenario this must have been for the local folks here in the Valley.  On one side you see the poor land owners deported back to Mexico and on the other side you see the so called Rainbow Era residents coming in to take over lands confiscated by whatever means by these large real estate companies.  We call this: "The Era of Shame 1915-1921."

Charles C. Cumberland in his Southwestern Historical Quarterly article of 1953 titled “Border Raids in the Lower Rio Grande Valley—1915” had this to say:
“But the lynchings and executions were not the only indications of fear and vengeance. Posses burned homes in which raiders purportedly held meetings; vigilante committees and local officials seized arms and ammunition belonging to families of Latin extraction; and other self-appointed law enforcers forced Latin families in outlying regions to move into populated centers where they could be more effectively watched.  These actions by the responsible citizens of the Valley precipitated a mass exodus from the region. Families of Latin extraction, fearful of the actions which might be taken by irate officials and posses, began leaving the rural areas in great numbers. General Nafarrete reported that hundreds of families were fleeing into Mexico in early September [1915]; one American observer estimated that three hundred families arrived in Brownsville within a two-day period; and another estimated that at least half the Latin-American families in the Valley left the rural areas during September and October. So serious was the movement, which threatened to disrupt the economy of the Valley, that mayors of the principle towns issued a joint statement designed to allay the fears of the fleeing group, but as long as the raids continued the feeling against the Latins increased,and the mass migration continued.”

Noted here is that in the aftermath came the very brave actions of J.T.( Jose Tomas) Canales. This Brownsville attorney and area representative in the Texas legislature in 1919 launched an investigation into Texas Ranger conduct during the Bandit Era. While he got no immediate satisfaction and his very life was threatened by his aggressive action, the state would, in the next few years, pass legislation that would reorganize the rangers, rein them in, and make them more accountable.

Anglo-Americans, Cumberland reports, were moving north or to Corpus Christi and San Antonio. Before the violence was over more than one-half of the Valley's population had left and most farms were abandoned. The economy was in shambles.

Upon de facto recognition of Carranza on October 19 by the Wilson administration, bandit activity ended for the most part.  Anders says “The Mexican government even paid Pizana and de la Rosa $50,000 to stop organizing raids and awarded the latter a commission in the regular army.”  In early October Carranza replaced Nafarrate with General Eugenio Lopez, who began to cooperate with the U.S. Forces. In November, Carranza visited Matamoros and conferred with Governor Ferguson and Colonel Blocksom. He pledged his full support to combat lawlessness along the Rio Grande. He subsequently appointed General Alfredo Ricaut to take charge of the Matamoros garrison. Ricaut was an outspoken advocate of improved relations with the United States.

The massive military buildup along the border had commenced by the summer of 1916. Public awareness and opinion had been raised by the Pancho Villa's ordered-attack on Columbus, New Mexico, where seventeen soldiers and civilians were killed. On May 7, 1916, President Wilson had ordered a partial mobilization of the National Guard. Initially 5,260 men from units in Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico were called up. Soon Wilson concluded that even this number, even supplemented with all available regular Army troops, was insufficient to protect the 3,000 mile border. On June 18, he ordered the mobilization of the National Guards of all the remaining states. By July 4, 1916, 27,160 troops from fourteen different states were on duty along the Rio Grande. This number rose to nearly 111,000 by the end of the month. By late August the border was home to 16,000 regular Army and 184,000 guardsmen. McAllen alone, with only 2,000 residents, became home to nearly 19,000 guardsmen.

Valley political operatives were unhappy with General Funston. They lobbied to have him replaced. On May 20, 1916, Funston was relieved by Brigadier General James S. “Gallopin'” Parker. By August he took charge the newly created Brownsville District headquartered in Fort Brown. Here 28,000 National Guard and regular Army troops were stationed. In fact, the Brownsville area politicians and district Congressman John Nance Garner had felt that Brownsville and its businesses had been “short-changed” by the low number of troops stationed at the fort. They had pushed for larger numbers and were successful.

Because General Pershing had launched various attacks within Mexico south of New Mexico on June 21, 1916 and at earlier times, there was actually a threat of war with Mexico, therefore the U.S. military remained “in a state of  readiness for large-scale action.” Fortunately this proved unnecessary.

In addition to Fort Brown, military units were stationed across the LRGV. These were at at the outskirts (First Illinois Cavalry, three miles north on the Old Alice Road) of Brownsville, San Benito, Harlingen, Mercedes, Donna, Pharr, McAllen, Mission, and Rio Grande City. Parker commanded 2,000 regular Army troops and National Guardsmen from Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Louisiana, Minnesota, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Texas, and Virginia. In addition, Major General John F. O'Ryan commanded a separate 12,000 strong New York National Guard Division, whose units were stationed in many of the above-named towns.

One of the largest encampments was Camp Llano Grande occupied in 1916-17.  This was located near the present day Texas A & M Experiment Station at the intersection of FM 1015 and Business 83.  Units from Indiana, Nebraska, Minnesota, and North Dakota were stationed here on an area occupying over 200 acres.  The camp included a headquarters building, commissary, and recreational facilities. Wither's lodging house was transformed into the camp hospital. South of the railroad tracks were parade grounds, tent encampments, and stock pens.  Once U.S. involvement into the Great War was imminent, the camp was abandoned in March 1917, one month prior to U.S entry into the war.  The troops stationed there were then called to war service in France.
Over the period, there were stationed at the camp Indiana National Guard troops totaling 3,702 in an artillery battalion, field hospitals, infantry regiments, ambulance companies, sanitary company, and signal company.  Nebraska troops numbered 2,153 who, in addition to the above units, had a machine gun company.  Minnesota guardsmen numbered 5,117 and consisted of infantry and field artillery regiments.  The North Dakota National Guard contingent numbering 1,007 members was also headquartered there though its camp was in Mercedes.

Briefly here is some information concerning the troops in Harlingen:
The 26th U.S. Infantry was under the command of Col. R.L. Bullard.  The 3rd U.S. Cavalry was under the command of Col. A. P. Blocksom who had been commanding officer of the LRGV from June 1914.  By the end of July 1916 the 2nd Texas Infantry in Harlingen was under the command of Col. B. F. Delameter and the 3rd Texas Infantry in Harlingen under Col. George P. Rains. One early AZO photo postcard shows a crude wooden structure about 16' by 12'. This appears to be the quarters for officers.  Next to it is a tent of similar size with a fly to divert rain. In front of these is an open convertible car with an enlisted man driver.  Standing beside it, as the label indicates, is Col. Gaston, 6th Cav., Harlingen, Tex. This is Joseph A. Gaston who arrived on August 14, 1915 and departed on April 20, 1916.
1/19/15  With the area still fairly quiet servicemen were able to arrange for an inter-service football match.  The 12th Cavalry at Harlingen played the Coast Artillery contingent from Brownsville to a 13:13 tie. Lt. Burwell was the Harlingen's team captain and quarterback. He played well as did W. Largent and lineman Gee.
2/19/15  Captain A.O.P. Anderson commanding Troop B of the 12th Cavalry thanks Lon C. Hill for suggesting willow poles for erection of a corral and then permitting the cutting of them from his property.
4/14/16  By this date additional troops are already being stationed in Harlingen, since Texas Governor Oscar Branch Colquitt has sent national guard units to the Valley to ease border tensions which have escalated.
5/18/16  It is reported in the newspapers that Brig. Gen. James Parker is to establish his headquarters in Brownsville.  He is to command the three regiments of Texas militia being sent to the Valley.  Two of these regiments will remain in the lower valley. 
1915-17  Soldiers of the 6th U.S. Cavalry, 26th Infantry, and the 3rd Texas National Guard are stationed in Harlingen as part of efforts to quell border unrest. The 3rd Texas Infantry arrived on May 9, 1916 and remained in Harlingen (and Donna) until September 7, 1916. They even have several field hospitals for the minimum of 12 companies involved here. The muster of Texas National Guard officers (158) and enlisted men (3,572) had begun on May 16, 1916 after which they were mobilized at Fort Wilson near San Antonio.  It is now Fort Sam Houston.  Second and Third Regiments of Infantry and Field Hospital were stationed all along the Lower Rio Grande Valley from Harlingen to Roma. From about August 1914 Col. A. P. Blocksom was in charge of Valley forces but upon arrival of the 26th Infantry between August 1 and September 15, 1915 Col. Robert Lee Bullard took charge of forces in Harlingen and to the west.
On 8/3/16 on the orders of Major A.R. Sholars, Companies K and L of the Third Texas Infantry are moved by truck from San Benito into Harlingen as the first step in consolidating all Texas troops into Harlingen.  On August 6 the City Council orders a committee of three to consult with Texas State Adjutant General Hulen for plans of cooperation between the general and the City Council and the City Health Officer regarding the campsite. [Brigadier General John Augustus Hulen was later to organize and command the 36th Division in World War I. His profession was a railroad executive, but since joining the Third Texas Volunteer Infantry as a private in1887 he had frequently been called back to active duty.  He held the position of adjutant general from 1902 until his retirement in 1907.  He was recalled in 1916 as commander of the Sixth Separate Brigade.] This month the city appoints a City Health Officer to overlook the soldiers.  The city provides the camp with free water and lights.
The Sixth Cavalry Camp site covered what would now be several city blocks.  It approximately encompassed the area between 3rd and 4th Streets and apparently ran north to south between East Jackson and Harrison Avenues. A goodly number of tents are lined up in orderly fashion. A large corral area is bordered by what are now 2nd and 3rd Streets and serves to pen the horses.
Under the Sixth Cavalry was a band consisting of 18 individuals. A rare Runyon postcard pictures these musicians. 
One Robert Runyon photo is labeled "The Twelfth Cavalry Camp."  It shows a modest number of tents adjacent to and on the west side of the rail tracks between where Adams and Washington Streets meet Commerce. This may have been only a temporary bivouac for this unit. The 12th Cavalry had arrived in the Valley on May 14, 1914 and left about a year later. Two other Runyon photos show troops embarking on a train near the first Harlingen depot.
South Texas Lumber Company account records of early 1916-17 provide a record of some of the units stationed in Harlingen.  These include Companies A, D, F, G, J, and L of the 26th Infantry and Companies C, E, F, and H of the 3rd Texas National Guard (and later K and L). These are supported by Field Hospital #5, Field Hospital #1 Texas National Guard, and Ambulance Company #5.  In addition to the 6th U. S. Cavalry, there is also the 26th Infantry Band.  The officers of the 26th Infantry have organized an Officers' Club.
Because of unsettled conditions Gen. Funston responded to raids in the area by assigning five-man guards of soldiers for trains running between Harlingen and Raymondville.
On 6/30/16 army engineers of the 2nd Division of the US Engineer Corps sent from Washington DC arrived in Harlingen together with a trainload of pontoons. These could be used to forge the Rio Grande should a large military expedition force cross into Mexico.
Accounts with the South Texas Lumber Company indicate the names of some of the soldiers stationed in Harlingen during the Border Trouble period.  These include:
Major A.R. Sholars                                          Lieutenant Purcell
Major J.G. Jenning                                           Lieutenant J.L. Redmond
Captain O.P. Storm of Dallas                           Lieutenant W.R. Wheeler
Captain John B. Chambers                               Lieutenant Malony
Captain W. B. Breedlove                                  Sergeant Furman
Captain B. Compton                                         Sergeant Vincent
Captain Everett Hughes                                    Sergeant G.M. Roper
For a time Capt. Charles J. Nelson was in charge of the quartermaster depot at Harlingen.

As time passed, the individuals responsible for the disturbances were greatly outnumbered by U.S. soldiers, therefore no set battles were instigated by raiding forces, which could range in size up to 60 to 80 men. The Federal military frowned upon vigilantism and eventually brought a semblance of order and moderation to the chaotic situation.

The morale of many of the National Guard troops stationed in the Valley was low. They didn't expect to be stationed here as long as they were, they were experiencing primitive camp conditions, and the South Texas environment with its heat, brush, and insects among other things was a challenge. Some mounted cavalry units lacked their horses when sent south. For big-city folk, such as the Seventh New York Infantry Regiment was, the Valley was an area of desolation that depressed them. One of the positives of having troops on active duty in the Valley was that they were made fit, were involved in active combat-type situations, and were given training that they might not have received otherwise. These paid dividends when many were called to serve in World War I. President Wilson was to de- mobilized the fifty thousand guardsman still along the border on February 18, 1917. He left fifty thousand regular army troops in place. In early 1917 a 10-day war exercise had been held between soldiers of the mid-Valley and Brownsville. This wound up the tour of duty for many of them.

As some troops in the Valley were sent home, some possibly to handle the impending nationwide railroad strike, the cost of maintaining troops on the border had added to the federal government’s budget deficit of  $50 million.  This was one of the reasons Congress had approved a federal income tax to take effect on 1/1/17.  Unmarried people earning $3,000 or more would be taxed 2%, married above $4,000 the same, and those $20,000 or above on a graduated scale 1 to 13%.  Corporations with a capital stock value of $75,000 or more would pay a 2% tax.

As late as January 8-9/1918 the Valley saw a foray of American soldiers crossing into Mexico at La Grulla.

The Mexican Service Medal was an award of the U.S. Military by General Orders of the U.S. War Department on December 12, 1917. The Mexican Service Medal recognizes those service members who performed military service against Mexican forces between the dates of April 12, 1911 and June 16, 1919 in eight specific engagements.
An Act of Congress, July 9, 1918, created the Mexican Border Service Medal recognizes those military service members who performed military service on the U.S.- Mexico Border between the dates of January 1, 1916 and April 6, 1917.
Individual state also issued Border Service medals to their national guard units.

I conclude this series by noting events that took place far from the Valley. An unusual photo was taken, likely in July 1919. The border law officers in the picture were:  V.C. Dow, deputy sheriff from El Paso; Marcus Hines, U.S. Customs Officer; Tom Mayfield of Donna; and E.W. Anglin police chief of Harlingen. The photo was preserved by Lawson Anglin, one of E.W.'s sons and himself later a lawman as Cameron County motor patrolman.
Tom Mayfield, who once worked as a supervisor on John Closner's San Juan Plantation, became a Hidalgo County deputy sheriff and played a major role in uncovering the Plan of San Diego, an insurrectionist manifesto conceived in 1915.
Elmer William Anglin managed the properties and business ventures, including land clearing, of Hill.  In this job he was closely connected to the growing young town which came into official being in April 1910.  He served on the first cemetery committee as a trustee, served as a school trustee prior to 1920, and after 1910 he performed as police chief for 16 years. From 1939 through 1959 he was a justice of the peace.
Marcus Hinds was a U.S. Customs officer who had taken part in the fight at Norias Ranch house.
Surprisingly the picture was not taken in Texas, but in Lansing, Michigan.  This is how it came about. After serious border incidents began to occur along the U.S.-Mexico border and the turmoil related to the Mexican revolutionists added to unsettled conditions, the federal government sent army troops (nearly 50% of the total number in the ranks) to the border then had to supplement them even more with National Guard troops.  Henry Ford, fearing the loss of some of his automobile factory workers to guard call up duty, voiced opposition to government plans.  Opposing Ford was the equally vehement Chicago Tribune. When the newspaper labeled him "an anarchist", he found reason to sue it for a million dollars.
Terry hoover, archivist at the Henry Ford museum tells us “Robert McCormick, the ultra-patriotic publisher of The Chicago Tribune, ordered his staff to contact large American businesses to learn whether they would continue to pay employees called to duty their normal wage. When the newspaper contacted Ford Motor Company, Frank Klinginsmith, the treasurer, responded with the standard company policy that the men would forfeit their jobs and receive no aid. This was incorrect—the 88 employees sent to the Mexican border had been given special badges ensuring each man their current job when they returned.
Knowing Henry Ford’s pacifist position, the Tribune, without checking the accuracy of Klinginsmith’s statement, immediately published an article and editorial questioning Ford’s patriotism and calling him an anarchist, stating that “If Ford allows this rule to stand he will reveal himself not merely as an ignorant idealist, but as an anarchistic enemy of the nation that protects him in his wealth.” Henry Ford was inclined to ignore the articles, but his attorney Alfred Lucking thought the charges intolerable and urged the industrialist to sue for libel saying it damaged Ford’s reputation.”
The border lawmen were called north to testify in the trial that ensued in Mt. Clemens, Michigan. They provided accounts of the border disorders and banditry. According to a Fiesta magazine article Lawson Anglin recalls his father spending thirty-eight days in Michigan.  The judgment ran against the Tribune, but the judgment by twelve farmers was reduced to six cents.  It was after the trial that this group picture was taken.  In a jovial mood Hines and Dow donned Mexican sombreros rather than their own usual hats, possibly Stetsons.

In 1919 a 66th Congress U.S. Senate sub-committee headed by Senator Fall conducted hearings later published in several volumes as Investigation of Mexican Affairs, directing the committee in foreign affairs to investigate the matter of outrages on citizens of the United States in Mexico. A number of Valleyites, including Lon C. Hill, traveled to Washington , D.C. to testify before the “notorious committee”. Historian Charles Cumberland, in his Southwestern Historical Quarterly article, noted “most of the witnesses who appeared and most of the members of the committee were biased against Mexico and desired to bring about intervention by the United States. This material must be used with extreme caution; much of the testimony is inaccurate.” So we learn that years after the Bandit Wars had concluded, controversy still followed the disturbing decade. That the LRGV was so resilient and was to offer so much in the way of agricultural production in the 1920s is a reflection of a remarkable period in its history.

 

                                               

 

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Bandit Era in South Texas

 

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Bandit Era in South Texas

 

 

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Bandit Era in South Texas