Nationalism and Imperialism in the Late Nineteenth Century
Nationalism, simply defined, is dedication to and  identification with the interests, purposes, and well-being of one’s  nation-state, a political entity consisting ideally of individuals with a common  language, history, and values.  As such,  nationalism takes precedence over competing loyalties to religion, locality,  and even family.  No other political  force in modern history has matched its ability to inspire heroism and  self-sacrifice, both for good and ill.
  Nationalism emerged during the  French Revolution when the French people transformed themselves from “subjects”  to “citizens” by abolishing class privilege and establishing a regime based on  equality and popular sovereignty.  When  war broke out in 1792 between republican France and antirevolutionary Austria  and Prussia, previously apathetic Frenchmen eagerly volunteered to fight, and  defense of the Revolution became a national crusade.  In 1792 and 1793 their patriotism saved the  revolution, and in the early 1800s it contributed to the stunning victories of  Napoleon that gave France control of most of Europe by 1810.  French conquests in turn aroused nationalism  among Germans, Italians, Poles, and Russians, who fought to throw off French  rule and establish self-government.
  Although successful in defeating  France on the battlefield, nationalists had their hopes dashed in 1815 at the  Congress of Vienna.  Diplomats gave  Norway and Sweden, Belgium to the Netherlands, and much of Italy to Austria;  divided Poland among Russia, Prussia, and Austria; and kept Germany  fragmented.  But nationalism could not be  snuffed out by redrawing maps and making diplomatic compromises.  Strengthened by romanticism, Darwinist  notions of competition and struggle, economic rivalries, and popular  journalism, nationalism intensified in the nineteenth century, not only in  areas of foreign rule and political fragmentation, but also in long-established  states such as Great Britain and France.   It contributed to some of the nineteenth century’s most important  political developments: the revolutions of 1830 and 1848, the unification of  Italy in 1870 and of Germany in 1871, runaway militarism among the Great  Powers, the emergence of new states in the Balkans, and late-nineteenth-century imperialism.  
  Unlike nationalism, a new  historical phenomenon, European imperialism has a history that goes back to the  medieval crusades and the sixteenth-century conquests of the Americas.  Europe’s overseas expansion continued in the  late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries despite the loss of American  colonies by France, Great Britain, Portugal and Spain.   The British extended their authority in  powers led by England forced China to open its ports to foreign trade after the  Opium War (1839-1842). Then in the closing decades of 1800s – the Era of  Imperialism – the long history of Western expansion culminated in an  unprecedented and astounding land grab.   Between 1870 and 1914 Great Britain added 4.25 million square miles of  territory and 66 million people to its empire; France, 3.25 million square  miles of territory and 26 million people; Germany, 1 million square miles and  13 million people; and Belgium, 900,000 square miles and 13 million  people.  Italy, the United States, and  the Netherlands also added colonial territories and subjects.
  These acquisitions were made  possible by a number of key technological developments.  The replacement of sailing vessels by  metal-hulled steamships reduced two-month ocean voyages to two weeks; undersea  telegraph lines enabled governments and businessmen to communicate in seconds,  not weeks or months; medical advances and new drugs protected Europeans from  diseases that flourished in warm, humid climates; rapid-fire rifles and machine  guns gave Western troops an insurmountable advantage over nay Africans or  Asians who resisted the invaders of their lands.
  Technological capability alone,  however, cannot explain the expansionist fever that swept through the West in  the late 1800s.  Anticipated economic  gains, missionary fervor, racism, and the faith in the West’s civilizing  mission all contributed.  But the most  important cause was nationalism.   Politicians, journalists, and millions of people from every walk of life  were convinced that foreign conquests brought respect, prestige, and a sense of  national accomplishment.  To have  colonies was a sure sign of Great Power status.
Source: https://lps.org/manila/tbayne/NationalismandImperiali.doc
Web site to visit: https://lps.org/
Author of the text: indicated on the source document of the above text
If you are the author of the text above and you not agree to share your knowledge for teaching, research, scholarship (for fair use as indicated in the United States copyrigh low) please send us an e-mail and we will remove your text quickly. Fair use is a limitation and exception to the exclusive right granted by copyright law to the author of a creative work. In United States copyright law, fair use is a doctrine that permits limited use of copyrighted material without acquiring permission from the rights holders. Examples of fair use include commentary, search engines, criticism, news reporting, research, teaching, library archiving and scholarship. It provides for the legal, unlicensed citation or incorporation of copyrighted material in another author's work under a four-factor balancing test. (source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fair_use)
The information of medicine and health contained in the site are of a general nature and purpose which is purely informative and for this reason may not replace in any case, the council of a doctor or a qualified entity legally to the profession.
The texts are the property of their respective authors and we thank them for giving us the opportunity to share for free to students, teachers and users of the Web their texts will used only for illustrative educational and scientific purposes only.
All the information in our site are given for nonprofit educational purposes